A Brief Definition of Wokeness

Understanding the nature of the term woke as it is mobilized by the right

It is not a particularly novel observation that the term “woke” is used fairly incoherently by the right. “Wokeness” can describe a plethora of unrelated phenomena such as gender nonconformity, representation for marginalized groups in media, attempts to ban the consumption of red meat, or even your niece telling you that you aren’t allowed to say that word at the thanksgiving dinner table anymore. Yet while it may be easy to consign this word to incoherence, as a mere stand-in for anything an individual does not like, there is a logic to how it is generally mobilized by the right which reveals something significant about their psyches.

In order to develop a coherent account of wokeness, it is crucial to understand that it is a relational term. It cannot be defined through some common attribute shared among all the things generally considered to be woke. Instead we must look at what these heterogeneous phenomena arise in common within those who are using the term. In this sense, ‘woke’ is quite psychologically rich, as it tells us that for many on the right, they feel a similar form of unease, anxiety, and quite possibly guilt concerning the vast array of phenomena which they have unified under this phrase. 

One of the odd quirks of the term “wokeness,” which is explained by its relational nature, is the fact that conservatives speak of it being a fairly recent phenomenon. This is despite the fact that many things which they consider to be woke are far from new. Few of them would dare contextualize Martin Luther King as a woke figure despite the fact that one of the primary examples they use of wokeness is the recognition of the existence of a racial divide within American society. The novelty of “wokeness” does not come from the phenomena themselves being new but instead from a new feeling of unease which has developed surrounding them. This feeling, it seems, has developed as a result of a shift within culture that has left many conservative social demands no longer able to draw upon a sustained period of cultural hegemony as justification for their existence. Far fewer people live a life structured by ‘traditional values,’ and there is a general unease among many on the right that if they do not rectify this situation soon, this state of affairs will be impossible to dislodge. This feeling is at the core of how the term woke is mobilized. To label something woke is to imply it is a symptom of a scary new world where conservative values are no longer hegemonic; it comes with the insinuation that if something drastic is not done soon, all that resists this new so-called ‘clown world’ will be destroyed.

Yet, of course, conservative social and political institutions across the West are far from under immediate threat of total destruction. In this sense fear of the woke mob is irrational and paranoic; it is predicated upon a conspiratorial mode of thought which is only able to explain the ground which conservatives have lost culturally through reference to a nefarious shadowy plot by powerful institutions to manipulate gullible liberals into enacting their evil plans. Anyone who has had the misfortune of dealing with a ‘young conservatives on campus’ group as a university student is well aware of the complex which undergirds this belief. These groups are unified in their assertion that to be mocked, ridiculed, and shamed by their peers is the same as to be oppressed. They are unable to conceive of the destruction of conservative cultural hegemony without it being a direct result of the complete destruction of conservative political power. Despite the fact that these young conservatives are continually ridiculed by their left-wing peers, the modern university itself remains a firmly neo-liberal institution whose vested interests lie in opposing all forms of social progress which threaten its ability to generate profit. These groups fail to understand that they are feeling the ground shift under their feet as a result of a change which is first and foremost cultural in nature. It is not the product of them losing power but, in fact, the result of a society in which reactionary power remains entrenched despite it losing its grasp over many of the rules which govern polite, respectful public discourse. For many who are a part of this cultural change, ridicule of those who continue to praise oppressive social institutions feels like one of the few mechanisms to resist these institutions that does not threaten jail time. While the petulant sycophants involved in these “conservative on campus” groups may have an unstoppable mass of institutional power behind them, there is some consolation in the feeling that we are, at the very least, able to make their social experience miserable. The supposed crusade against ‘wokeness’ is in part a reaction to a broader cultural shift which mirrors the aforementioned schism within campus life. The image of what it means to be a ‘good person’ as dictated by social rules has evolved to be far more considerate of avoiding labels such as racist, sexist, homophobic, etc.